The soon-to-be completed Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), which will be the largest hydroelectric power plant and among the largest reservoirs in Africa, has highlighted the need for expanding traditional integrated water resources management to better include the cultural, social, and political complexities of large water infrastructure in development projects. The GERD will store a maximum of 74 billion cubic meters of water corresponding to approximately the average annual outflow of the Nile from the Aswan high dam. Undoubtedly, the GERD will be vital for energy production and a key factor for food production, economic development, and poverty reduction in Ethiopia and the Nile Basin. However, the GERD is also a political statement that in one stroke has re-written the hydropolitical map of the Nile Basin. The GERD has become a symbol of Ethiopian nationalism or “renaissance” (hidase in Amharic). A contrasting concept to nationalism is hydrosolidarity. This concept has been put forward to better stress equitable use of water in international water management challenges that would lead to sustainable socioeconomic development. We use the opposing notions of nationalism and hydrosolidarity at three different scales, everyday politics, state policies, and interstate and global politics to analyse some aspects of the new hydropolitical map of the Nile Basin. We argue that nationalism and national interests are not necessarily negative standpoints but that there may instead be a meeting point where regional and national interests join with hydrosolidarity principles. We believe that this meeting point can maximize not only the common good, but also the good from a national interest point of view. For this, it is important not increase collaboration instead of being locked in to the historical narrative of nationalistic culture and historical discourse. This would benefit and improve future sustainability.

Abstract

The essay highlights pros and counterarguments about the incorporation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child in Sweden. The pros and cons highlighted in the essay by incorporation have not been found to be crucial to the status of children's rights or even the convention. The conclusion is that incorporating the international experience of judging is not as binding as advocates and opponents state. The countries that have implemented the Convention on the Rights of the Child have not had a better situation automatically on children's rights, but they have also not been hindered or steered in the negative direction in their work to any significant extent. Incorporation is secondary to the political will to work with the Convention and children's rights; it cannot legally direct the policy if the policy does not want to be governed. However, an incorporation can become a tool in the hands of a political movement that is already convinced of the right to strengthen children's rights in accordance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

This study aims to analyze if the assessment of the European Court of Human Rights and Committee Against Torture in cases concerning women alleging violation of the principle of non-refoulement takes gender into consideration. Therefore, this study compares four cases from the Court and the other four cases from the Committee with feminist legal theory analysis. The method chosen for this study is a comparative legal method and textual analysis to investigate the research problem. The findings of this study are that the Committee's evaluation is more in line with the intersectionality perspective than the Court's. Further, the Court showed stereotypes and gender discrimination with their assessments. Although the Committee is also lacking in considering gender as far as the observed cases the Committee is more advanced with the intersectionality lens. The Court frequently depends on the "male or social network," which is another distinction between the two monitoring organizations. Because the Court does not mention "male network" to European women alleging domestic violence, this contributes to the already discriminations refugee and asylum seeker women experience. The thesis concludes that women seeking asylum or refugee cases experience the most discrimination before the Court, though occasionally before the Committee as well. The refugee law still has a long way to go before it can assist women who claim that private actors have abused them. 

Children takes into care by the social services against the parents' will, child care agencies take children into care with the support of the law (LVU). Children are cared for on the basis of section 2§ LVU which occurs due to misconduct in the home, for example violence and abuse, deficiencies in care or other conditions in the home. There is another reason which can lead to children being taken from their parents and it is their own behavior “behavior case” with the support of § 3 LVU. Parents' right to respect for private and family life granted by the article 8 in the European Convention on Human Rights is restricted when children takes into care by social services. 

The same article also states the right to have custody of one's child and the right for parents and children to have contact. The protection of private and family life is not an absolute right and can be restricted by law. The main purpose of the thesis is to study how the care of children with the support of §§ 2, 3 LVU relates to the right to protection of private and family life according to Article 8 of the European Convention. Another purpose of the thesis is to analyze the Convention on the Rights of the Child in Swedish law after it has become law. Articles 3 and 12 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child state that States Parties to the Convention shall take into account the best interests of the child in all matters and decisions affecting the children and that they shall have the opportunity to express their views on matters affecting them. The questions in the essay are answered using a legal dogmatic method. 

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and other international conventions have been ratified by many countries, yet the basic freedoms established therein continue to be taken for granted. In recent years, the Islamic veil has been widely debated as an oppressive garment against Muslim women and a threat to Western secular democracy. This debate has led countries, including France, to take legal action to ban clothing that completely covers the face. France has professed itself as a secular state for centuries following its historical revolution, with a narrative of guaranteeing equal rights and opportunity to all citizens. However, this secular orientation has, in practice, led to a law that has created and promoted juridical and institutionalized inequality. This thesis discusses the prohibition of the veil in relation to basic human rights and freedoms established by the UDHR, the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, as well as other relevant documents that hold the central idea of protection of religious freedom and expression. These documents will be analyzed alongside John Stuart Mill’s foundational philosophy on freedom. The main findings of this study are that the issue of the veil is complex, and its story must be understood before it can be judged. Muslim women who choose to wear the veil have a right to freedom of religion given by the UDHR. France is a signatory and therefore infringing on those rights is a violation of international law. This conclusion is supported by the theoretical foundations of freedom presented by John Stuart Mill and previous research that dealt with the issue of the veil in Western societies.

This paper examines the role of the UN and the impact of adopted resolutions on the Palestinian people's right to self-determination in Gaza and the West Bank following the Oslo Accords of 1993. By examining the UN's participation in the peace process and its policy stances in the region, the study aims to provide insights about the UN's ability to influence the selfdetermination of the Palestinian people. The study used qualitative text analysis and realist theory to evaluate the effectiveness of UN actions and resolutions. The results showed that despite UN resolutions and commitment, the implementation of the Palestinians' right to selfdetermination has been inadequate and ineffective. The lack of an effective mechanism within the UN to enforce resolutions and ensure compliance with international law has limited the organization's ability to resolve the conflict and protect those affected. By applying realist theory, the study shows that states prioritize their survival over moral principles and that the UN strives for peace through negotiations and conflict resolution to ensure order and security.

This study is about the principle “Responsibility to Protect” and its implementation in several countries. The purpose of this study is to examine why the implementation of “Responsibility to Protect” has been used differently in similar situations. To limit my study I have chosen to examine two countries that have two different results on similar issues. I have chosen to study the conflict/civil war in Libya and Syria. The reason why I have chosen these countries is because these conflicts have similar causes and similar history, but how the international community responded differently and has argued various. This study will also highlight and observe the difficulties that the principle faces. For example the veto right in the united nation security council, and also the principle of sovereignty. At the end of this study I discuss the principle in general, what I think about it and how the principle “Responsibility to Protect” can be improved itself and develop to be more powerful and fulfill its purpose, to Protect civilians from genocide, crime against humanity and towards war crime.

Syftet med denna studie är att med hjälp av kvalitativ innehållsanalys studeraoch koda regeringens proposition om hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck (2020) där utgångspunkten är att lyfta fram hur regeringen definierar vad det innebär att vara en pojke och flicka i en hederskontext, samt vilka erfarenheter och roller som kan skilja dem emellan. Resultatet av studien visar att flickor är offer för hedersrelaterat våld och förtryck, resultatet visade att även om pojkar kan bli offer för hedersrelaterat våld så uppfattas de också som förövare. Studien visar att pojkar kan ha dubbla roller som både offer och förövare. Studien visar att både flickor och pojkar är utsatta för hedersbrottslighet men procentuellt skiljer resultatet åt då flickorna är utsatta i större grand än pojkarna. Slutsatsen är att införandet av barnäktenskapsbrott som ger upp till fyra år fängelse, straffskärpningsgrund mot brott med hedersmotiv och utreseförbud för att skydda barn från att tvångs gifta sig eller könsstympas utomlands ses som något ljust i Sveriges internationella åtagande om mänskliga rättigheter, då hedersrelaterade brottsligheten innebär kränkning av de mänskliga rättigheterna. Det ses mest ljust mot barnets rättigheter.

Sexual violence against women is not only a serious public health problem of epidemic proportions, it’s also a violation of women’s human rights. The devastating consequences of these events on women’s health have been widely documented. The overarching purpose of this thesis is therefore to explore why public healthcare facilities around the world often fail to provide victims of sexual violence with mental healthcare of good quality that is available, accessible and acceptable. In order to investigate this, the legal grounds of specialized healthcare for victims of sexual violence was documented. Secondly, an exploration of whether the Swedish healthcare system provides victims of sexual violence with access to the highest attainable standard of mental healthcare was carried out. Lastly, the history of violence against women was explored in order to identify reasons for why the right to mental healthcare often fail to work in practice for female victims of sexual violence despite apparent agreements. Also, constructive suggestions are put forth regarding what governments can do to provide victims of sexual violence with access to the highest attainable standard of mental healthcare. An interdisciplinary approach of political sociology was used to illustrate the multiple dimensions of human rights. The findings suggest that the right to mental health is an integrated part of the right to health and thus a fundamental right for all human beings. However, the results indicate that the right to mental healthcare for women who have been subjected to sexual violence is not available, accessible and of good quality within the Swedish healthcare system. The study concludes that one of the main barriers to make the right to mental healthcare accessible for this group of patients is the lack of an officially recognized name that include the many different syndromes these women suffer. Findings are discussed in relation to previous research.   

This essay is about children's rights in one African country namely Kenya. It includesinternational documents like the United Nations Convention of the Rights of the Child (CRC) andthe regional African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child (ACRWC). The thesis alsoanalyzes the differences between these documents and also the Sustainable development goals arediscussed and how they directly touch children's rights.This thesis also deals with the topic of how children's rights are protected by the Kenyanconstitution . It will mention the international laws and conventions that Kenya is obligated toimplement and follow in order to guarantee the kenyan children their rights. During the work wewill take a look at legislations and policies that Kenya has established to promote and protect therights of the children in Kenya.I will analyze some of the violations of the rights of children in Kenya and will be mainly focusingon laws and policies that the country established. The thesis also includes an investigation ofwhich children's rights are violated in Kenya. It consists of statistics and what the laws in Kenyasay about these violations.

The present study investigated the incorporation of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child into Swedish law through an examination of the juridical difficulties in the state and municipalities. The study employed three methods: Qualitative content analysis, juridical method, and a semi-structured interview. The results show that the incorporation alone is not sufficient but is a project that needs continuous efforts to have thorough effects on children’s rights. As the phrasing of the Convention is vague it results in difficulties in exercising the rights, especially regarding the best interest of the child. Furthermore, the Swedish law prohibits children under 18 years old to bring an action to court in certain issues such as migration cases. Additionally, as Sweden has not ratified the third optional protocol of the Convention regarding the right to seek justice from the Committee on the Rights of the Child in case of a violation of rights on a national level, this further limits children to exercise their rights. On the municipal level, dissemination of information and knowledge regarding the Convention, cooperation between municipal bodies and the government, commitment for change, and access to adequate resources are all important tools for the implementation.

Over fifty ethnic minority groups living in Bangladesh collectively demand recognition of Indigenous identity, but Bangladesh does not constitutionally recognize this identity. Historically, they experienced marginalization, discrimination, and oppression at the hands of the establishment and the political elite, including the majority. They face challenges to maintain their distinct society alongside the majority. Moreover, there is a dilemma between the concept of “indigenous people” and “small ethnic minority groups”. With this context, this dissertation concerns the topics of indigeneity, recognition, and ethnic minority rights in Bangladesh. This thesis aims to investigate the discourse of indigenous identity in Bangladesh, analyze how ethnic minority communities experience social, traditional, cultural, and political life within and outside of their community, and discuss how ethnic minority communities can maintain themselves as distinct societies. This thesis focuses on qualitative research methodology. The primary data was collected through semi-structured individual and group interviews with open-ended descriptive questions. 

            Besides the research problems and aims, the first chapter focuses on the research questions and explains why Bangladesh was selected as a case study for this thesis. The second chapter of this thesis focuses on the literature review. This portion of the essay examines the literature to determine what is already known in the field, identify research methods and techniques, highlight important concepts, conclusions, and theories, and identify any gaps in the articles. This section also investigates whether there is any ambivalence between the terms “indigenous” and “small ethnic groups” in academia. The third Chapter discusses methods and methodology. Then, chapter four presents an overview of the theoretical framework based on Kymlicka's liberal theory of minority rights. The fifth chapter investigates a discourse on indigenous identity in Bangladesh. In the sixth section, based on the theoretical framework, this thesis analyses findings from the data and connects them with essential international instruments and national legal policy and framework. In conclusion, this thesis summarizes the findings. In concluding remarks, it offers insights into what needs to be changed or improved in the legal framework and policies to support the cultural rights of minority ethnic communities to maintain themselves as a distinct society.

The Convention on the Rights of the Child was incorporated into Swedish legislation in 2020 to strengthen the child's best interests and perspective in areas such as asylum law (UNICEFSweden, 2020a). The purpose of this essay is to examine how the individual asylum grounds of unaccompanied children are handled in the asylum process and in what way the child's best interests are actually considered in the asylum process before and after the incorporation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This essay will answer the following question:How has the application of the best interests of the child according to Article 3 in asylum cases for unaccompanied children changed before and after the incorporation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child into Swedish law based on the theory of the best interests of the child as an open concept? Through a qualitative content analysis of judgments, changes and deficiencies in the protection of the rights of unaccompanied children are identified. The study examines how the courts take into account the best interests of the childbased on Schiratzki's (2005) legal theory of the best interests of the child as an open concept.The results of the study have shown that before incorporation, the judgments extensively consider the best interests of the child according to Article 3 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child by highlighting potential consequences upon return. However, after incorporation, the migration court fails in considering the best interests of the child. This is because the concept of 'the best interests of the child' is comprehensive, and the court does not assess this from a holistic perspective, which is important for a fair assessment according to Schiratzki (2005).

Today it is estimated that around 40 million people are exploited in human trafficking around the world. The Swedish Equality authority (Jämställdhetsmyndigheten) acknowledge that labour exploitation is the second most common form of human trafficking. The purpose of this study is to make a legal status report of human trafficking for labour exploitation in Sweden, and this is done through a legal dogmatic method. 

The result shows that the Swedish human trafficking-law is connected to the international conventions and protocol through international agreements. The common knowledge of labour exploitation in Sweden is limited and Sweden needs to work with preventative and protective measures to secure the rights of the people being used in labour exploitation. Many of the people being used in labour exploitation in Sweden are foreigners. Sweden lacks protection of migration workers’ rights when it comes to informational measures and protective actions after being exploited. Sweden has a low number of prosecutions for the crime of human trafficking and almost non existing concerning labour exploitation. The Swedish law concerning labour exploitation is in development where a new paragraph, “human exploitation”, was added in 2018. The first case under this paragraph is under appeal to the Swedish Supreme Court and is awaiting the final judgment that will affect the future appliance of the law. 

This study is about whether the ban on hijab and niqab in France violates human rights. Also, if there are contradictions between the human rights conventions and the french ban on hijab andniqab. That is the purpose and question of the study. The topic was chosen for an interest on whether the French ban violates human rights, and if so, why is the ban still a law? To fulfill the purpose of the study, the study will be using human right conventions and a case from the European court of human rights. The study will also use a human rights based approach to further analyze whether the french ban violates human rights. The human rights based approach will also focus on the rights themselves and the implementation of the rights. The second theory used in the study is a theory on multiculturalism. The theory will focus on the term “blind fordifference”. In other words, are human rights blind for difference?The method used in this study is a qualitative content analysis. The method was chosen to analyze the content of the french ban of niqab and hijab but also to analyze the content of the human rights conventions. The result showed that there are some contradictions between the french ban and the human rights conventions. The French ban on hijab and niqab showed potential violations towards human rights articles in the human rights conventions.

The ongoing Syrian conflict is one of the most violent, bloody and complex conflicts that broke out in modern time. The Syrian people were inspired by the Arab spring, where popular demonstrations and peaceful protests demanded freedom and democracy. The Syrian regime declared that Syria is in a serious war against terrorism.

This essay will try to analyze the Syrian president Bashar Al-Assad’s propaganda during the revolution against his government in March 2011. The analysis will go through a few of Al-Assad’s speeches and interviews during the Syrian uprising between 2011 and 2012. The study will be based on several fundamental researches that explain the relationship between the Syrian regime and the jihadi Islam in many dimensions before and after 2011. The study will answer the following question: How has the Syrian regime used fight terrorism as propaganda to serve its own political interest during the Syrian uprising 2011?

In my study, I use argumentation analysis as a method, this method is used to assess the credibility and sustainability of text or politics in context. In an argued text, the author aims to convince the reader of something in a critical and reasonable manner of argument. The method used is both descriptive and appreciative of Bashar Al-Assad’s arguments.

The study concluded that Al-Assad from the beginning of his presidency has played a major role of producing Islamists to achieve his own political objectives in the region and was able to take advantage of them while trying to crackdown the Syrian revolution in 2011 through many political acts.

The externalisation of migration management has emerged as a complex and controversial phenomenon, with implications for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of refugees. This research study aims to investigate the relationship between the use of biometrics, the externalisation of borders, and the resulting infringements upon migrants' rights. Drawing upon a qualitative approach and data visualization analysis, this research delves into a comprehensive analysis of Frontex’s framing in perpetuating the externalisation process and the use of invasive technologies. The findings reveal that the increased use of technology in border control not only poses potential human rights violations but also serves as a central component in the externalisation process. The research also explores participants' awareness of legal procedures, mistreatment and abuse frequencies, attitudes towards technology, and overall impressions of the migration management system. This research contributes to the existing literature by shedding light on the relationship between technology, securitization, and the human rights of refugees within the European Union. By critically examining the framing strategies employed by Frontex and the resulting infringements upon migrants' rights, this study emphasizes the need for greater scrutiny and reevaluation of policies and practices in the context of migration management. Overall, this research serves as a call to action, urging policymakers, stakeholders, and the wider public to reassess the role of technology, ensure the protection of human rights, and strive for a more balanced approach that prioritizes both security and fundamental freedoms.

The child soldier problem is an escalating and growing phenomenon around the world. It is a complex issue as it involves a wide range of areas such as human rights, politics and cultures. A comprehensive legal framework is in place to protect children in armed conflicts, yet they are still being targeted, recruited and deployed in armed groups and organizations. The purpose of this study is to conduct an exhaustive examination of current international law, de lege lata, regarding child soldiers aged 15-18. The legal-dogmatic method will be used to identify the merits, but above all the shortcomings and problems of the legislation. The result shows that international law treats children differently in terms of age and when they are no longer considered child soldiers. The findings demonstrate the difficulties between the two frameworks of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in relation to child rights and protection issues. Furthermore, it has been discovered that the international law regarding child soldiers is outdated, contradictory and inconsistent, as society and warfare have changed since the adoption of the documents. The lack of legal sanctions against recruiters and enablers complicates the situation even further.

Abstract

This essay has been about investigating and analyzing key rights in armed conflicts and howthey are respected in the Syrian war. The essay brings up three key rights and they are- the right to life- torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment- protection of cultural propertyRegarding these rights, questions are formulated- How have the human key rights been respected in the Syrian war?- How does the protection for the key rights look within IHL?- What do the prospects for an acceptable situation look like in short term?The Syrian war started in mars 2011 as a result of the Arabic spring. The situation for Syria’spopulation has gotten worse since the war’s beginning. It has not gotten better during thesenine years despite hard work from UN and other humanitarian organizations. There was along battle against IS who has been defeated, but there are different actors in Syria thatcontinue to fight.Syria’s president Al-Assad is one of them that bears to biggest responsibility for Syria’scrisis, but he gets supported by for example Russia and Iran. Russia was in Syria to fight IS,but fought rebel groups instead, because they were a threat to Al-Assad. Al-Assad wanted itto look like he was protecting Syria from terrorism. He released islamic prisoners to fightthem. Some of the worst battles has happened in Aleppo, which is the most important cityfinancially.A lot of countries are militarily involved and that does not make it better when it’s abouthuman rights in Syria. When I investigate the respect of international humanitarian law inSyria, it shows that fighting parties fail hard to respect IHL. Cruel crimes against the keyrights has happened since the violence got worse. It is a lot of casualties, people get torturedin prisons and a lot of old culture gets destroyed.Syria’s economy has and continues to fall. Syria has the most refugees in the world since thesecond world war, and this civil war is the worst humanitarian crisis in modern time. Syriahad 20 million residents when the war began and now 11 million people is on flight. Syria has100 armed groups, and they are divided. Syria’s population miss access to survival needs andtheir everyday is life threatening. One cause to fatalities in Syria is lack of food, water andcare. At the same time as USA started to pull their forces back, Turkey took in their forces.Turkey thinks that USA approved the offensive when they pulled their forces back, but USAdenies that. Turkey will not interrupt the offensive, but USA wants it to be suspended.In my investigation I have used a legal dogmatic method in form of articles and based on thesources I have interpreted the key rights and their compliance in Syria. I have used literaturestudies in form of news articles, printed literature and books. Key rights in armed conflict andIHL have big roles in this essay. Literature about key rights within international human rightslaw and its application in the Syrian war is central in the analyze. A SWOT analysis is used toget structure for the description and leads to the conclusions used to answer the given questions. 6(37)In the essay I explain the situation in Syria, IHL and key rights role and situation in Syria andwhat the conflict looks like today. My sources highlight events in different areas in Syria, whichare used in the analysis and as answers to the questions:- In armed conflicts it’s very hard to protect the studied key rights and the war in Syria is noexception. There are plenty of tragic examples on how people are killed or tortured. Manyinvaluable cultural heritage has been systematically destroyed or stolen.- IHL was developed to reduce human suffering and to demand a human acting from fightingparties. In an armed conflict it is IHL that rules.- In the Syrian war there’s only one solution that UN has come up with and is pushing for it tobe implemented. That solution is a Syrian owned and Syrian led political process. 

This empirical research focuses on the subject of Hijab in Sweden. It demonstrates that Afghan (Muslim) women residing in Sweden do not consider the Hijab as an element of their culture/identity. Additionally, the empirical data gathered through interviews with twenty Afghans residing in Sweden reveals that Hijab is socially imposed on women, particularly by male relatives. Afghan women reveal verbal and physical violations exercised against women by male relatives in order to force them to veil. Therefore, if multiculturalism favors the Hijab as a human right and/or an identity/cultural element of these women, it neglects the violations implied by Hijab on women. By adopting a Marxist feminist lens, the research explains that although veiling and controlling women’s body existed for centuries before the birth of capitalism, controlling women’s body by forcing them to veil serves the capitalist project as well. The veil is one of the diverse ways of controlling women (‘s body) and is one of the ways to help the interests of capitalism since women are the source of reproduction of labor. Rejecting the position of both left-wing and right-wing parties (and specifically racists) in the political sphere in Sweden, it is suggested that the former (no matter intentionally or unintentionally) justifies and serves the preservation of the repressive Hijab and does not protect Muslim women and their human rights. And (far) right-wing actors, by pointing to the repressive Hijab, merely aim to cut the budget that is essential for protecting the fundamental human rights of immigrants and target the existence of immigrants per se to enable (further) development of capitalist (economic) policies. This research argues that discourse cannot make a substantial change in behaviors, and not only men should be considered as the responsible actor to diminish the violations. A third alternative/approach is instead suggested for the change in the material condition of such communities so as to diminish the violations. By reminding the responsibility of the Swedish government, it is suggested that the government should take responsibility for material provision regarding awareness, education, employment, and development of oppressed veiled women. This is how the government can protect human rights and actualize women’s capacity in order to combat the violations.

Ethiopia has experienced a deadly two-year-long civil war, mainly between the government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF). During this civil war, in addition to lethal weaponry like drones, jets, missiles, and tanks, the combatant parties and their allies used hate speech as a weapon of war. The aim of this research is to unpack the severity of hate speech disseminated during the civil war and identify its major types that could have contributed to the escalation of the war and the incitement of human rights violations. To achieve this aim, the research used the qualitative content analysis method to analyse data gathered from hate speech broadcasts during the civil war. Furthermore, it applied the propaganda model, framing theory, social identity theory, ARTICLE 19's hate speech pyramid, and the Rabat Plan of Action’s six-part threshold test theoretical and analytical frameworks to analyse the data and discuss its major findings. The research found that the most severe types of hate speech, which aimed to incite genocide, discrimination, hostility, or violence, as well as racial hatred, were disseminated during the civil war. Moreover, it revealed violations of international and Ethiopian laws regulating hate speech. Based on the analysis of empirical data, it is concluded that severe types of hate speech disseminated during the civil war had the potential to escalate the war and incite documented human rights violations.

This paper constitutes an in-depths examinations of the swedish national council for crime prevention's (BRÅ) report titled "children and youth in criminal networks" with a particular focus on two primary aspects. Firstly i delve into the implications of article 6 of the convention on the rights of the child within the context of the report, despite its absence in explicit form. Through a contextual interpretation, I illuminate how the report inderectly considers and reflects upon children's fundemental rights to life. liberty, and development, aligning with the essence of the convention. Subsecuently, I analyze the identified factors in the report that propel young individuals into criminal networks. Grounded in theoretical frameworks and perspectives, my analysis aims to deepen the understanding of the complexety of these factors and their impact. Through this study, I shed light on the depth of the report and pave the way for a more comprehensive discussion on children's rights and the underlying mechanism behind youth involvment in criminal contexts. 

This study examines the phenomenon of the Swedish sex trade. A phenomenon that has a long history that is constantly changing, taking new forms and creating new boundaries. The purpose of this study has been to review and understand the Swedish sex trade with a focus on the effects of internet and the effects of the Swedish sex purchase act. As well as to examine how state and non-state actors work to secure the fundamental human rights to safety and an adequate safety net for people who sell sex. By conducting interviews and a literature study with state and non-state actors it has been possible to understand the Swedish sex trade and create an in-depth description of the current situation. The study's result and analysis show that the Swedish sex trade is strongly linked to the feminist perspective. In Sweden, the abolitionist feminist perspective is dominant, which is also reflected in definitions used within this field, legislation, the sex trade via internet and the Swedish safety net. This study highlights that the Swedish sex trade is a complex issue which requires a greater discussion beyond the feminist perspective.

Despite being perceived as one of Europe's most gender-equal countries, Sweden faces significant challenges concerning men's violence against women. Statistics reveal a distressing frequency of violent incidents where a woman is killed by a man every three weeks. This research study examines the collaboration between Swedish municipalities, social services, and women's shelters in efforts to promote safety for women and combat male violence against them. The findings suggest an increase in collaboration and the integration of measures to ensure women's safety within municipal activities. However, while most municipalities offer protected housing, there are shortcomings in the efforts. The study also underscores the importance of continuously evaluating and enhancing ongoing initiatives to effectively support women affected by violence and uphold their human rights.

In September 2022, the state murder of Jîna Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish woman, by the Islamic Republic's morality police in Tehran sparked a nationwide uprising, the largest since the 1979 revolution. With a central point of the movement in Kurdistan, this study aims to determine whether the Islamic Republic of Iran's (IRI) methods constitute a continuation of colonial practice. The study employs case studies and content analysis using the "internal colonialism" paradigm from the limitations of a time frame of 2022 to 2023. Findings highlight a colonial relationship between IRI and Kurdistan, which plays a heavy role in the case of Jîna Amini and the Jîna Uprising. The attempts to subjugate Amini's Kurdishness and Kurdistan discloses the institutionalized racial hierarchy within IRI. The disproportionate use of force, as observed in cases of heavy militarization, securitization, arrests, brutal treatment of protesters and prisoners, sexual violence, and the killing of Kolberis, all point to colonial structures. Essentially, this study provides a critical reassessment of the human rights violations perpetrated by IRI through colonial methods.

This study aims to examine the key aspects of the thesis on corruption and the exploitation of natural resources and their connection to conflicts and the resource curse in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Through a qualitative content analysis, a thematic approach, and with a perspective rooted in the theoretical framework of the resource curse, the study seeks to identify and discuss the complex factors that drive and sustain instability in the country. Utilizing the resource curse theory, it is explained how natural resources not only fail to promote economic development, but also exacerbate conflicts and political instability. Furthermore, it is observed how the exploitation of natural resources, political instability and structural violence contribute to and maintain a cycle of insecurity in the country. With the theoretical application of the resource curse, the study concludes that power structures and hierarchies affect the distribution of assets and opportunities in society. This curse, deeply rooted in historical injustices and discriminatory norms, continues to reproduce itself through institutional and structural mechanisms.

Fältstudiens syfte har varit att analysera och beskriva jämställdhets effekter på den unga generationen i dagens Rwanda. Min uppsats utfördes med en kvalitativ ansats där intervjuer har varit centrala som metod för att samla in mitt material och data. Jag har intervjuat unga vuxna kvinnor som är entreprenör eller i ledare position. Mitt resultat erhålls genom deras berättelser och upplevelser om jämställdheten i Rwanda.

Rwanda har haft en stor representation av kvinnor i parlamentet vilket har i sin tur påverkat dessa unga kvinnor. Genom mina intervjuer har jag kommit fram till att Kvinnor i Rwanda tar mer plats som aldrig förr. Sammanfattningsvis har Rwanda gjort en stor skillnad för deras kvinnor. Den stora representationen av kvinnor i höga positioner har haft en bra inverkan på nästa generation och har inspirerat dem att drömma stort. Även om Rwanda har kommit långt när det gäller jämställdhet, utmaningar finns fortfarande och hela arbetet är inte gjort.

The aim of this study is to investigate which factors the Swedish migration authorities consider to be credible in the asylum narratives of those who have invoked sexual orientation as ground for asylum. Based on a qualitative content analysis, a thematic approach and with a queer theoretical perspective, the study also aims to find potential underlying patterns that may indicate heteronormative or stereotypical beliefs in the migration authorities. This is analyzed based on six court cases where asylum seekers invoked sexual orientation as ground for asylum. The results of the study show that the Swedish migration authorities assess the credibility and reliability of the asylum seeker's story based on the detail of the story and the person's deep reflections. Furthermore, it is noted that the migration authorities would like to see that these reflections are based on negative emotions such as fear, shame and stigma about one's sexual orientation. With a queer theoretical application to the results, the study concludes that there are tendencies of heteronormative and stereotypical notions in the migration authority's credibility assessments.